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Kosmos
Astronomia Astrofizyka
Inne

Kultura
Sztuka dawna i współczesna, muzea i kolekcje

Metoda
Metodologia nauk, Matematyka, Filozofia, Miary i wagi, Pomiary

Materia
Substancje, reakcje, energia
Fizyka, chemia i inżynieria materiałowa

Człowiek
Antropologia kulturowa Socjologia Psychologia Zdrowie i medycyna

Wizje
Przewidywania Kosmologia Religie Ideologia Polityka

Ziemia
Geologia, geofizyka, geochemia, środowisko przyrodnicze

Życie
Biologia, biologia molekularna i genetyka

Cyberprzestrzeń
Technologia cyberprzestrzeni, cyberkultura, media i komunikacja

Działalność
Wiadomości | Gospodarka, biznes, zarządzanie, ekonomia

Technologie
Budownictwo, energetyka, transport, wytwarzanie, technologie informacyjne

Living Reviews in Democracy

This paper summarizes the current state of the theoretical and empirical debate on the potential effect of economic inequality on the odds of democratization. This debate is reconstructed by first focusing on the seminal ‘new structuralist’ theories put forward by Boix as well as Acemoglu and Robinson. Subsequently, pre-existing quantitative studies on the potential inequality-democracy nexus are reviewed. It turns out that new structuralist theories are at best weakly supported by the empirical evidence. This may be partially explained by problems of methodology and variable operationalization. On a more theoretical level, this paper discusses nine potential problems of the new structuralist approaches that have been discussed in recent scholarly work on the impact of inequality on the likelihood of democratization.

http://democracy.livingreviews.org/index.php/lrd/article/view/34 2013/11/25 - 20:12

This paper summarizes the current state of the theoretical and empirical debate on the potential effect of economic inequality on the odds of democratization. This debate is reconstructed by first focusing on the seminal ‘new structuralist’ theories put forward by Boix as well as Acemoglu and Robinson. Subsequently, pre-existing quantitative studies on the potential inequality-democracy nexus are reviewed. It turns out that new structuralist theories are at best weakly supported by the empirical evidence. This may be partially explained by problems of methodology and variable operationalization. On a more theoretical level, this paper discusses nine potential problems of the new structuralist approaches that have been discussed in recent scholarly work on the impact of inequality on the likelihood of democratization.

http://democracy.livingreviews.org/index.php/lrd/article/view/34 2013/11/25 - 20:12

Despite being fundamental to democracy, the normative concept of the people, i.e. the demos, is highly unclear. This article clarifies the legitimacy of the demos’ boundaries by structuring the debate into three strains of justification: first, normative membership principles; second, its democratic functionality and the necessity of cohesion for this essential function; and third, a procedural understanding of the demos. It will be shown that normative principles can only justify its expansion towards the ideal of an unbounded demos. On the other hand, the democratic function of the demos can be understood as a criterion for its restriction. This, however, is only possible on the basis of an existing polity and not for the initial constitution of the demos. Consequently, a legitimate demos has to take both inclusionary and exclusionary tendencies into account. These tendencies need to be weighed against each other in the democratic process, which leads to a fundamentally procedural understanding of the legitimacy of the demos.

http://democracy.livingreviews.org/index.php/lrd/article/view/25 2013/05/25 - 21:29

Upon initial consideration, the logics of nationalism and democracy seem to be contradictory. Nationalism appears to be predicated upon a doctrine of exclusivity, whereas democracy appears to be based on an inclusivist one. Upon careful contemplation, however, one notices that, historically, these two phenomena have frequently coexisted; even today, democratic regimes seem to exist and thrive (almost exclusively) within nation-states. The aim of this review is to bring together and discuss those works that have addressed the question of whether nationalism and democracy constitute complementary or competing logics. The debate operates on both a theoretical/normative level, and an empirical level. For a first group of scholars, democracy cannot exist without nationalism; it is thought that a certain degree of (cultural) homogeneity is needed for a political system to work. These scholars argue that a common national identity fosters solidarity and trust and gives human beings a sense of belonging. Empirical studies have revealed that (cultural) heterogeneity leads to the deterioration of trust, political participation, and the overall solvency of the welfare state. Those who emphasize the contradictory logics of these two concepts have not found such correlations in their empirical findings - revealing that multicultural states are also prone to success. Hence, for them, there is no reason to exclude people from democratic decision-making processes on grounds of their nationality, something that undermines the very princi-ples of democracy. Even worse, it is argued that the fusion of nationalistic and democratic principles has led to some of the deadliest conflicts in modern history.

http://democracy.livingreviews.org/index.php/lrd/article/view/33 2013/02/14 - 18:34

With his concept of social capital, Robert Putnam revived the research on patterns of political culture in comparative political science in the early 1990s. Having conditioned good governance on the degree of citizens’ engagement in societal life, Putnam inspired a new research field investigating social trust, norms of reciprocity and networks of civic engagement. The prominence of Putnam’s work, however, emanates partly from his failure to specify the nature and form of “civicness” and to theorise the interaction between society and the government. This review summarizes different strands of literature on the direction of causality. While trust and networks of voluntary associations crystallize as the primary constituents of social capital, their relationship to democratic quality remains underspecified. Nevertheless, the combination of society- and institutional-centred accounts appears to be the most promising research avenue in this context.

http://democracy.livingreviews.org/index.php/lrd/article/view/32 2012/12/07 - 01:57

The European Union faces major difficulties due to the lack of citizens’ participation. The Union’s commitment to multilingualism is often accused of being one of the obstacles to integration and many scholars think one common lingua franca to be the only practicable solution in order to grant fair participation to all the citizens in the EU. In this article, multilingualism and linguistic justice will be questioned under the aspect of democracy. It will be crucial to focus on social aspects of communication as well and to ask how they could forward people’s integration and their interest in their common democratic system at EU level. Furthermore, the concept of lingua franca will be investigated and the question will be posed whether it will really meet the needs of the citizens on the European territory.

http://democracy.livingreviews.org/index.php/lrd/article/view/28 2012/11/10 - 07:56

This literature review deals with the research field of external democracy promotion. It discusses central notions and gives a short overview on real-world developments in external democratization. It then distinguishes different mechanisms – or modes – of democracy assistance: coercion, conditionality, socialization, persuasion, and example. Along these modes, pertinent theoretic classifications and empiric findings from the literature are presented.

http://democracy.livingreviews.org/index.php/lrd/article/view/27 2012/08/08 - 20:20

Reason and emotion are often seen as two distinct mental faculties, with optimal decision-making assumed to require the protection of cognitive reasoning processes from the intrusion of irrational emotions. Accordingly, the media are expected to cover political issues without appealing to the emotions of the citizen, in order to support rational opinion formation. However, recent research indicates that the media often elicit affective responses in the recipients. This article focuses on the question of how such affective responses influence recipients’ political opinions. The effects of moods, arousal, and emotions in judgment processes are reviewed. Importantly, the article addresses the question as to whether affects, which are relevant for a judgment, have the same impact as affects, which are not relevant for a judgment.

http://democracy.livingreviews.org/index.php/lrd/article/view/31 2012/08/08 - 20:20

Does political integration challenge democracy by undermining the impact of national parliaments and parliamentary elections on policy making? This question has given rise to an expansive body of literature on the role of national parliaments in the world’s most advanced project of political integration, the European Union. This paper reviews what we have learned from this literature, focussing on how European integration affects and is affected by (1) parliamentary influence on legislation and (2) parliamentary links to citizens. While we have an increasingly sophisticated understanding of a variety of mutual effects regarding the first question, we observe few effects between European integration and parliamentary links to citizens.

http://democracy.livingreviews.org/index.php/lrd/article/view/lrd-2010-5 2011/01/26 - 03:02

This article reviews the literature that deals with the problem of legitimizing regulatory governance, with a special attention to the question of the accountability of independent regulatory agencies. The discussion begins with the presentation of the traditional arguments concerning the democratic deficit of the regulatory state. The positive evaluation of regulatory performance by citizens is presented as an alternative source of legitimacy. It follows the discussion of the existing approaches to make agencies accountable, so as to ensure the procedural legitimacy of regulatory governance. Some insights concerning new forms of accountability are offered in the last section, namely with reference to the establishment and ongoing consolidation of formal and informal networks of regulators.

http://democracy.livingreviews.org/index.php/lrd/article/view/lrd-2010-4 2011/01/26 - 03:02

For a long time, the question of legitimacy, especially of democratic legitimacy was neglected in international relation studies. But in the past years there has been an impressive research addressing this issue. The aim of this article is to review the conceptions of democratic legitimate governance in the multilateral realm with regard to the WTO. It starts with a summary on the theoretical foundations of democracy and legitimacy in the multilateral realm also highlighting the demos-problem. It gives then an overview on the different approaches to enhance the democratic legitimacy on a multilateral level such as enhancing accountability, stakeholder participation, transparency and the output of international organization. The final chapter takes a closer look at a recent comprehensive conception of democratic legitimacy in the international realm.

http://democracy.livingreviews.org/index.php/lrd/article/view/lrd-2010-2 2011/01/26 - 03:02

Arend Lijphart's typology of democratic systems has been perceived as one of the major contributions to comparative political science in the last decades. His differentiation between consensus and majoritarian democracies has been widely adopted and expanded by other researchers. However, it has also been fiercely debated. This review summarizes the discussion by asking how useful Lijphart's typology of consensus and majoritarian systems is as a typology of democratic systems. It finds that the typology is a useful tool to categorize established democracies but is incapable of capturing patterns beyond the scope of the original sample. This is due to Lijphart's inductive approach that cannot sever the intricate connection between culture and institutions built into the typology. Moreover, this connection makes it difficult to predict differences in policy performance.

http://democracy.livingreviews.org/index.php/lrd/article/view/lrd-2010-3 2011/01/26 - 03:02

The rising use of direct democratic procedures within states but also cross-nationally increases the interest in and the relevance of the research on direct democracy. At the theoretical as well as at the empirical level, scholars, who have been participating in the long-standing debate on direct democracy, came up with different conclusions and evidence about the extent and kind of impact that direct democratic procedures have on the political processes and system as a whole. The purpose of the article is to give a thorough picture of major contributions that have helped to advance this dynamic field of research. It will be shown how the theoretical and empirical approaches applied have considerably changed and improved over time, whereas the questions at the heart of the direct democracy debate have basically remained the same.

http://democracy.livingreviews.org/index.php/lrd/article/view/lrd-2010-1 2011/01/26 - 03:02