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Kosmos
Astronomia Astrofizyka
Inne

Kultura
Sztuka dawna i współczesna, muzea i kolekcje

Metoda
Metodologia nauk, Matematyka, Filozofia, Miary i wagi, Pomiary

Materia
Substancje, reakcje, energia
Fizyka, chemia i inżynieria materiałowa

Człowiek
Antropologia kulturowa Socjologia Psychologia Zdrowie i medycyna

Wizje
Przewidywania Kosmologia Religie Ideologia Polityka

Ziemia
Geologia, geofizyka, geochemia, środowisko przyrodnicze

Życie
Biologia, biologia molekularna i genetyka

Cyberprzestrzeń
Technologia cyberprzestrzeni, cyberkultura, media i komunikacja

Działalność
Wiadomości | Gospodarka, biznes, zarządzanie, ekonomia

Technologie
Budownictwo, energetyka, transport, wytwarzanie, technologie informacyjne

Journal of Conflictology

This paper argues that Legislative Theatre, as an artistic methodology for active citizenship, creates a process of collective reflection to produce solutions to community conflicts. Boal used this tool of transitive democracy to conceive legal proposals in favour of marginalised groups. Thirteen of these proposals were approved by the legal system in Brazil. The analysis of a Legislative Theatre workshop in Spain using Boal’s methodology allowed the identification of some interesting elements but also the limitations of the tool. Aspects including the ideology of the audience, the scope of the legal proposals and the role of the joker are seen as important. Other conditioning elements and positive aspects are also discussed. 

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol5iss1-salvador 2014/05/16 - 17:51

This article extends the Eminue-Ufomba model of terrorist target selection in two dimensions. The original model restricts itself to the rationality of a terrorist organization in its target selection in relation to the victim state’s national power. This article goes beyond this by incorporating into the model the novel concepts of endurance capacity and power forgone. Using a game-theoretic approach, this article makes an assumptive analysis of the behavior of a victim state following a terrorist demand and the actual use of threat.

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol5iss1-dode-ufomba 2014/05/16 - 17:51

 In the aftermath of a conflict, peace and justice are often seen to be in direct tension. Demands for justice and legal accountability can be an obstacle to peace, since peace accords may involve compromises with war criminals and human rights perpetrators. The peace versus justice debate therefore translates into a conceptual struggle between conflict resolution and human rights advocacy. In Afghanistan, peace and conflict are often seen as inherently conflicting. Justice, it is often argued, must wait until security has been established. Rather than punishing the perpetrators of past war crimes, the Karzai government has accommodated some of the most notorious warlords, by appointing them to some government positions. While it was long thought that this would have a stabilizing effect, this paper argues that the policy of relying on Afghanistan's warlords-cum-politicians has failed to bring lasting security, peace and stability to the country. This paper presents a brief foray into the field of peace and transitional justice in a fragmented 21st century Afghanistan.

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol5iss1-merkel 2014/05/16 - 17:51

The study examined the United Nations through its various efforts and abilities to enthrone peace in the world. It adopted a developmental approach, bringing to light the UN’s early attempts at peace, through the Cold War years and up to contemporary times. Taking into cognizance why the UN was established in the first place, and bearing in mind a clear conceptual understanding of peace, the study reveals that the UN’s balance sheet with regard to this onerous responsibility is a mixed bag of admirable successes and colossal failures. 

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol5iss1-ariye 2014/05/16 - 17:51

Security and insecurity are two sides of the same coin which has been misrepresented in Nigeria. Thus, a representation to reflect the reality of Nigeria is needed. Security is human and structural. For the most part in Nigeria, it is about the structure, and here the influence of the military in governance and in shaping the theory and practice of security cannot be ignored. This influence was in part the function of the international enabling environments and the interpretation and domestication in countries such as Nigeria. In defining security prior to the UNDP paradigm shift in 1994, structure rather than human beings was the focus. To that extent, insecurity has prevailed in Nigeria. Insecurity affects human beings and is powered by corruption and poverty of the leadership and the followers. One such area of insecurity is setting the agenda for development. Looking at the historical trend and focusing on policies since 1999, the paper examines this type of insecurity. The inability of administrations to fulfil their set agendas for improving the quality of lives of Nigerians meant there was nothing to distinguish them from a military regime. This situation not only extends distrust, it enhances insecurity.

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol5iss1-onoja 2014/05/16 - 17:51

 In June 1997, Prime Minister Tony Blair issued a statement expressing remorse for the British government’s inaction to assist the Irish during the potato famine of the late 1840s. Blair’s contrition was met with praise and criticism, but it proved to be part of the larger narrative in the peace negotiations within Northern Ireland. Although Blair’s apology is often cited as an exemplar of political leaders apologizing for historical injustices, little actual scholarly work on this subject has been conducted. To that end, this paper examines Blair’s potato famine apology through the theory of collective apology. We argue that collective apologies serve to build, repair, renew, and strengthen bonds between communities harmed by historical wrongdoing. Moreover, collective apologies are meditations in collective memory about the past, present, and future relationship between communities. We assess Blair’s apology through this theoretical lens, discussing the potential impact that it had on the Northern Ireland peace process.

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol5iss1-edwards-luckie 2014/05/16 - 17:51

 South Africa emerged from the apartheid system in 1994 with great hopes for the transformation of the country from a crisis-ridden one to a more united and truly ‘rainbow’ country that would cater for the interests of the different races and groups that make up the nation. Shortly after independence, the country developed various programmes to transform the nation. These ranged from the creation of the Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP) to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), as well as other measures such as Affirmative Action. In spite of these efforts, both internal and external conflicts have become the hallmark of South African society even after apartheid. There has been a growing crisis of confidence between white and black communities, the poor and the rich, and between males and females. This has led to many violent clashes, which at times have threatened the very foundation upon which the post-apartheid South Africa was built. It is against this background that this paper argues for genuine conflict transformation in South Africa, over and above the conflict settlement and conflict resolution processes that have taken place in the country so far. It is a fact that real conflict transformation has not taken place in South Africa since democratization in 1994, and there is a need for it now if South Africa is to achieve genuine, meaningful development.

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol5iss1-omoyefa 2014/05/16 - 17:51

In this article we review the main theories of secession from a normative point of view relating them to the debate on the constitutionalization of secession and the Catalan case. Our conclusion is that secession conflicts are complex from the normative point of view since several issues related to justice and democracy are involved in them. For the Catalan case we defend the idea of adopting a constitutional or (quasi)constitutional approach as a peaceful and reasonable way to handle the secessionist debate. This arrangement would take into account what authors like Norman or Sunstein have suggested in their analysis. Secession can be considered by liberal-democracies as a way of solving territorial disputes, which need to be approached from a pragmatic and reasonable point of view.

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss2-perez-sanjaume 2014/05/10 - 00:22

Since the final conclusion of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 the violent conflict and military operations convulsing the state of Northern Ireland since 1969 appeared over and peace restored. Despite this, profound mistrust and division remains. This paper examines the factors influencing historic conflict in Ireland with reference to the acceptable forms of governance in a deeply divided society with antagonistic and diametrically opposed concepts of citizenship, allegiance and sovereignty present in the population. The changes have been fundamental and profound: absence of military occupation models, entry into public life and political responsibility of former combatants, development of power-sharing governmental structures and progress of civil society. The fact remains that the Good Friday Agreement was seen by the majority community - the unionist population – as a guarantee to assert its intention and desire to remain an integral part of the United Kingdom (to remain British). In the same manner and in the same way the Agreement was seen by the minority community – the nationalist population – as a guarantee to assert its intention to leave the United Kingdom and to re-unite with the rest of Ireland (to remain Irish). Ireland has never been a uniform or agreed socio-political entity. The nature of Irish society has been a fragmented, divided and polyglot one. The fractured States that emerged from the forced partition of Ireland in 1922 epitomized the crises and issues around sovereignty and identity. Disputed sovereignty in Ireland is analyzed in relation to three key associated factors: ownership, legacies of colonial power and the dynamics of changing demographics.

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss2-bruce 2014/05/10 - 00:22

The Palestinian position towardsJerusalemis in absolute contradiction with the Israeli one. The indications show that both parties firmly hold to their positions. The Israelis aim to unify the city as the capital ofIsraeland refuse to negotiate otherwise. The Palestinians' aspiration is to establish their capital inJerusalemwith the intention to keep the city open for worshipers from different faiths and religions. The strong Israeli position in negotiating the future ofJerusalemwith the Palestinians is based on the changes made on the ground since occupying the city, particularly the Israeli settlements constructed among the Palestinian population centres and areas.Israelhas succeeded in removing the Palestinian characteristics in theWest Jerusalemin particular. However, the effectiveness of the Palestinians position is sustained by the international community, which neither recognises the Israeli transformation ofJerusalemnor acknowledges it as the capital ofIsrael. In addition, the United Nations Resolutions have frequently condemnedIsraelfor its activities inJerusalemand have not consideredJerusalemas the capital ofIsrael. Some UN Resolutions obviously demanded complete cessation of Israeli settlement activities and requestedIsraelto halt its deliberate acts aimed at changing the features of city.Israelhas imposed its position by force, while the Palestinian position is based on legitimacy and international support. It is unfeasible to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict without settling the issue ofJerusalem. Considering both parties' positions, peace is unattainable in the region in the foreseeable future. 

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss2-albasoos 2014/05/10 - 00:22

The Migingo Island territory dispute has been brewing since 2004.Kenya and Uganda both claim ownership of the Island as the residents continue to suffer. There are police forces from both countries now manning the Island as ways to resolve the dispute are sought. Kenya has the largest percentage of people living there and most of them have been arrested and detained for fishing on Uganda’s territorial waters. Diplomatic efforts have been unsuccessful and during the voter registration in December 2012,Ugandan officials manning the Island pointed their guns at the Kenyans who were protesting their interference in the process. It is 2013 now and the tension is till rife. As a peace and conflict specialist in East and Central Africa, I have had a front row sit in the theatre of incongruity that is Migingo. The media has been playing its part in reporting the events but some of them have been biased. This article maps the dispute, potential effects of a war and the attempts made by Kenya and Uganda to break the impasse and reach an amicable solution from the lens of a peace and conflict worker in the region. 

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss2-shaka 2014/05/10 - 00:22

The author analizes the current situation in Equatorial Guinea, the new effects of the oil exploitation and the succession of President Teodoro Obian Nguema, as prepared by himself in the person of his son Teodorin, which might be seriously challenged.

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss2-soto-trillo 2014/05/10 - 00:22

In this paper we argue that international peacebuilding actors’ strategy for dealing with the recognition issue has created significant problems for implementing effective bottom-up peacebuilding activites in Cyprus. Rather than encouraging cooperation between the two communities, a ‘do no harm’ approach applied by international peacebuilding actors has strengthened the position of the ethno-nationalists that tries to prevent cooperation beyond the green line. We argue that such an approach shows how international actors can be limited in comprehending and acting on the ‘local’ problems on the ground, particularly when the official position of those actors are aligned with the official position of  one side to the conflict. International peacebuilding actors can be much more effective by thorougly understanding the root causes of conflicts and by ensuring that they are taking a neutral stand before engaging in peacebuilding work in post-conflict regions.

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss2-kanol-kanol 2014/05/10 - 00:22

In this article we review the main theories of secession from a normative point of view relating them to the debate on the constitutionalization of secession and the Catalan case. Our conclusion is that secession conflicts are complex from the normative point of view since several issues related to justice and democracy are involved in them. For the Catalan case we defend the idea of adopting a constitutional or (quasi)constitutional approach as a peaceful and reasonable way to handle the secessionist debate. This arrangement would take into account what authors like Norman or Sunstein have suggested in their analysis. Secession can be considered by liberal-democracies as a way of solving territorial disputes, which need to be approached from a pragmatic and reasonable point of view.

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss2-perez-sanjaume 2013/11/21 - 21:58

Since the final conclusion of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 the violent conflict and military operations convulsing the state of Northern Ireland since 1969 appeared over and peace restored. Despite this, profound mistrust and division remains. This paper examines the factors influencing historic conflict in Ireland with reference to the acceptable forms of governance in a deeply divided society with antagonistic and diametrically opposed concepts of citizenship, allegiance and sovereignty present in the population. The changes have been fundamental and profound: absence of military occupation models, entry into public life and political responsibility of former combatants, development of power-sharing governmental structures and progress of civil society. The fact remains that the Good Friday Agreement was seen by the majority community - the unionist population – as a guarantee to assert its intention and desire to remain an integral part of the United Kingdom (to remain British). In the same manner and in the same way the Agreement was seen by the minority community – the nationalist population – as a guarantee to assert its intention to leave the United Kingdom and to re-unite with the rest of Ireland (to remain Irish). Ireland has never been a uniform or agreed socio-political entity. The nature of Irish society has been a fragmented, divided and polyglot one. The fractured States that emerged from the forced partition of Ireland in 1922 epitomized the crises and issues around sovereignty and identity. Disputed sovereignty in Ireland is analyzed in relation to three key associated factors: ownership, legacies of colonial power and the dynamics of changing demographics.

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss2-bruce 2013/11/21 - 21:58

The Palestinian position towardsJerusalemis in absolute contradiction with the Israeli one. The indications show that both parties firmly hold to their positions. The Israelis aim to unify the city as the capital ofIsraeland refuse to negotiate otherwise. The Palestinians' aspiration is to establish their capital inJerusalemwith the intention to keep the city open for worshipers from different faiths and religions. The strong Israeli position in negotiating the future ofJerusalemwith the Palestinians is based on the changes made on the ground since occupying the city, particularly the Israeli settlements constructed among the Palestinian population centres and areas.Israelhas succeeded in removing the Palestinian characteristics in theWest Jerusalemin particular. However, the effectiveness of the Palestinians position is sustained by the international community, which neither recognises the Israeli transformation ofJerusalemnor acknowledges it as the capital ofIsrael. In addition, the United Nations Resolutions have frequently condemnedIsraelfor its activities inJerusalemand have not consideredJerusalemas the capital ofIsrael. Some UN Resolutions obviously demanded complete cessation of Israeli settlement activities and requestedIsraelto halt its deliberate acts aimed at changing the features of city.Israelhas imposed its position by force, while the Palestinian position is based on legitimacy and international support. It is unfeasible to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict without settling the issue ofJerusalem. Considering both parties' positions, peace is unattainable in the region in the foreseeable future. 

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss2-albasoos 2013/11/21 - 21:58

The Migingo Island territory dispute has been brewing since 2004.Kenya and Uganda both claim ownership of the Island as the residents continue to suffer. There are police forces from both countries now manning the Island as ways to resolve the dispute are sought. Kenya has the largest percentage of people living there and most of them have been arrested and detained for fishing on Uganda’s territorial waters. Diplomatic efforts have been unsuccessful and during the voter registration in December 2012,Ugandan officials manning the Island pointed their guns at the Kenyans who were protesting their interference in the process. It is 2013 now and the tension is till rife. As a peace and conflict specialist in East and Central Africa, I have had a front row sit in the theatre of incongruity that is Migingo. The media has been playing its part in reporting the events but some of them have been biased. This article maps the dispute, potential effects of a war and the attempts made by Kenya and Uganda to break the impasse and reach an amicable solution from the lens of a peace and conflict worker in the region. 

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss2-shaka 2013/11/21 - 21:58

The author analizes the current situation in Equatorial Guinea, the new effects of the oil exploitation and the succession of President Teodoro Obian Nguema, as prepared by himself in the person of his son Teodorin, which might be seriously challenged.

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss2-soto-trillo 2013/11/21 - 21:58

In this paper we argue that international peacebuilding actors’ strategy for dealing with the recognition issue has created significant problems for implementing effective bottom-up peacebuilding activites in Cyprus. Rather than encouraging cooperation between the two communities, a ‘do no harm’ approach applied by international peacebuilding actors has strengthened the position of the ethno-nationalists that tries to prevent cooperation beyond the green line. We argue that such an approach shows how international actors can be limited in comprehending and acting on the ‘local’ problems on the ground, particularly when the official position of those actors are aligned with the official position of  one side to the conflict. International peacebuilding actors can be much more effective by thorougly understanding the root causes of conflicts and by ensuring that they are taking a neutral stand before engaging in peacebuilding work in post-conflict regions.

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss2-kanol-kanol 2013/11/21 - 21:58

This article discusses peace education in terms of its content and communication form in relation to its context. Content and form involve major choices which are decisive in defining the substance of any education practice, including education for peace, and the implicit or explicit choices made are related to the differing conceptions of peace education. 

http://journals.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss1-cabezudo-haavelsrud 2013/07/15 - 21:59

Surely, many answers would be given to the question of why Africa is not democratizing: neo-colonialism, non-civic political culture, pervasive authoritarianism, weak constitutional base etc. Specifically, these answers are not completely irrelevant to the crisis of democratization in Africa. Alone or in combination, they could be serious impediments but this article, drawing inspiration from notable statist theorists and using Nigeria as a research backdrop, contends that statelessness is at the root of the democratization crisis in Africa. Like its colonial predecessor, the post-colonial state in Africa does not have the wherewithal to support genuine democracy. The article recommends that changing the tide in Africa in general and Nigeria in particular, must entail the restructuring and the re-legitimization of the state. 

http://journals.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss1-basiru 2013/07/15 - 21:59

The use of sport to address a variety of social issues, a strategy referred to as Sport for Development and Peace (SDP), is becoming widely accepted, especially in regions affected by poverty, violence and conflict. Identifying a set of unique characteristics, a wide range of actors in the peace and development field, including the UN, international development agencies and non-governmental organizations, have endorsed sport as a significant social catalyst. This paper aims to: 1) introduce Sport for Development and Peace; 2) highlight ways in which sport may support peace building and conflict resolution processes; and 3) present current Sport for Development and Peace initiatives in Colombia.

http://journals.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss1-cardenas 2013/07/15 - 21:59

Local initiatives in the dynamics of conflict and peace building are germane to understanding the actions and inactions of a people reacting towards their plights. This study adopts a qualitative methodology to investigate initiatives in local communities in the unending conflicts and peace building processes in Nigeria, using the Gokanaya, Onelga, and Eche communities in Rivers State as case studies. The major findings were that the roles and networks of key indigenous institutions such as the elders' council, ruling houses and 'mothers of the land', as well as traditional healers and witch doctors are vital in directing the affairs of the communities: their socio-political, economic, spiritual and religious activities. However, government and multinational corporations often sidelined them. With only technocrats and the educated elite involved in negotiating peace, key stakeholders were missing and conflicts in the region intensified. The study recommends that peace building initiatives should take a bottom-top approach and be devoid of politics.  

http://journals.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss1-ikuomola 2013/07/15 - 21:59

This article discusses the fundamental principles of family mediation training and social competencies, focussing on the needs and requirements of mediation training. The results of the research, which was conducted with the assistance of professional mediators and students, are presented with a view to analysing the incorporation of mediation training within the competencies and requirements of the European Higher Education Area. The competencies defined by the statistical analysis can serve as a useful tool for the development of new syllabuses and for professionals who work in the area of conflict management.

http://journals.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss1-rondon 2013/07/15 - 21:59

The conduct of the police during the 2007 elections and post-election crisis in Kenya cannot be forgotten. The tragic stories and repugnant images that shook the world are still vivid even today. At the centre of it all was the conduct of the police. Human rights reports accused the police of acting with impunity during the period. They were responsible for several murders, and even those who were taken to court walked away without punishment. The former head of the police Force, Retired Major General Hussein Ali, was among those who faced charges at the International Criminal Court (ICC) at The Hague. The ICC pre-trial chamber failed to confirm his charges of crimes against humanity. Since the historic events of 2007/8, the conduct of the police in Kenya has been a key issue in human rights debates and the media. This article is my journalistic foray into the recently concluded 2013 General Election that took place in Kenya on 4th March 2013, focusing on the conduct of the police before, during and after the elections.  

http://journals.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss1-shaka 2013/07/15 - 21:59

Initiatives of Change (IofC) is a worldwide movement of people of diverse cultures and backgrounds, who are committed to the transformation of society through change in human motives and behaviour, starting with their own. With many years of experience in peacebuilding, IofC inspires, equips and connects people to address world needs, starting with themselves.

http://journals.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss1-gude-breitenberg 2013/07/15 - 21:59

This article discusses peace education in terms of its content and communication form in relation to its context. Content and form involve major choices which are decisive in defining the substance of any education practice, including education for peace, and the implicit or explicit choices made are related to the differing conceptions of peace education. 

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss1-cabezudo-haavelsrud 2013/05/23 - 09:52

Surely, many answers would be given to the question of why Africa is not democratizing: neo-colonialism, non-civic political culture, pervasive authoritarianism, weak constitutional base etc. Specifically, these answers are not completely irrelevant to the crisis of democratization in Africa. Alone or in combination, they could be serious impediments but this article, drawing inspiration from notable statist theorists and using Nigeria as a research backdrop, contends that statelessness is at the root of the democratization crisis in Africa. Like its colonial predecessor, the post-colonial state in Africa does not have the wherewithal to support genuine democracy. The article recommends that changing the tide in Africa in general and Nigeria in particular, must entail the restructuring and the re-legitimization of the state. 

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss1-basiru 2013/05/23 - 09:52

The use of sport to address a variety of social issues, a strategy referred to as Sport for Development and Peace (SDP), is becoming widely accepted, especially in regions affected by poverty, violence and conflict. Identifying a set of unique characteristics, a wide range of actors in the peace and development field, including the UN, international development agencies and non-governmental organizations, have endorsed sport as a significant social catalyst. This paper aims to: 1) introduce Sport for Development and Peace; 2) highlight ways in which sport may support peace building and conflict resolution processes; and 3) present current Sport for Development and Peace initiatives in Colombia.

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss1-cardenas 2013/05/23 - 09:52

Local initiatives in the dynamics of conflict and peace building are germane to understanding the actions and inactions of a people reacting towards their plights. This study adopts a qualitative methodology to investigate initiatives in local communities in the unending conflicts and peace building processes in Nigeria, using the Gokanaya, Onelga, and Eche communities in Rivers State as case studies. The major findings were that the roles and networks of key indigenous institutions such as the elders' council, ruling houses and 'mothers of the land', as well as traditional healers and witch doctors are vital in directing the affairs of the communities: their socio-political, economic, spiritual and religious activities. However, government and multinational corporations often sidelined them. With only technocrats and the educated elite involved in negotiating peace, key stakeholders were missing and conflicts in the region intensified. The study recommends that peace building initiatives should take a bottom-top approach and be devoid of politics.  

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss1-ikuomola 2013/05/23 - 09:52

This article discusses the fundamental principles of family mediation training and social competencies, focussing on the needs and requirements of mediation training. The results of the research, which was conducted with the assistance of professional mediators and students, are presented with a view to analysing the incorporation of mediation training within the competencies and requirements of the European Higher Education Area. The competencies defined by the statistical analysis can serve as a useful tool for the development of new syllabuses and for professionals who work in the area of conflict management.

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss1-rondon 2013/05/23 - 09:52

The conduct of the police during the 2007 elections and post-election crisis in Kenya cannot be forgotten. The tragic stories and repugnant images that shook the world are still vivid even today. At the centre of it all was the conduct of the police. Human rights reports accused the police of acting with impunity during the period. They were responsible for several murders, and even those who were taken to court walked away without punishment. The former head of the police Force, Retired Major General Hussein Ali, was among those who faced charges at the International Criminal Court (ICC) at The Hague. The ICC pre-trial chamber failed to confirm his charges of crimes against humanity. Since the historic events of 2007/8, the conduct of the police in Kenya has been a key issue in human rights debates and the media. This article is my journalistic foray into the recently concluded 2013 General Election that took place in Kenya on 4th March 2013, focusing on the conduct of the police before, during and after the elections.  

http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu/ojs/index.php/journal-of-conflictology/article/view/vol4iss1-shaka 2013/05/23 - 09:52